The Colonels Corner The Splendid Blond Beast Part 13
1:26:38 · ▶ watch on Rumble
Transcript
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Hello, Miss Bridget. Well, good afternoon, Colonel. How are you? I'm great. People are losing their mind, but I'm great. It's hysterical, really. And what a more timely time to be going through what we're going through while it's all being exposed all around us, right? Correct. Correct. I feel like the last two years,
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has prepared everybody that has followed us for what is going on right now. And little did we know when we started where we would be today. It's literally crazy. Oh, no. We are almost done. If you guys would repost the space out, please. We're going to go ahead and get started. Let me go live over here on Rumble.
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And YouTube. And we will get started. Okay. We're almost finished with the book. And here's what I'm going to do. Because I'm probably going to miss this show. I'm definitely going to miss Thursday. So Thursday is a travel day for us. So there will be no show on Thursday. Wednesday is kind of iffy because we're going to be packing.
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Between today and tomorrow, we will definitely finish this book. And then on Friday, probably what I will do is an open show because I don't really like starting a new book on a Friday. And then that following Monday, we will probably start a new book. And again, Thursday is the beginning of our trip. So things are going to be for the next month.
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interesting. I will try to have a show every day, but it may not be at four o'clock because of our travel schedule. So I appreciate you guys hanging with us and being a part of this journey with us. Do you know what the new book will be? Do you know what the new book will be? Not yet. I have two.
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that I'm trying to put the finishing touches on as far as vetting some of the footnotes. And we'll see. I just finished another book that I really think is very timely, but there's no way between now and Monday. Well, I don't know. I've got this weekend that I could vet enough of the footnotes to make it worth our while.
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But I do have something that I will probably share. I was going to do a separate video, but maybe I'll do our show on Friday about something that All Along sent me that was truly a very interesting article. And because of some of the people that are involved in the history of it, it fits perfectly into the research that we've been doing.
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And it has some current actors in it. So so not actors as in a movie. Excuse me. Actors as in bad actors that we've covered. So guys are just going to have to hang with me over the next month as we work through this. OK, so we are on Chapter 17. And Bridget goes back and corrects my numbering because although I.
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annotate it on here sometimes when I'm typing I type the wrong number but so the numbers are like I noticed that she had I already had a 12 and then I said Friday's was 12 so she just changes it to 12B for me she takes good care of me I do the best I can you do a wonderful job and that's not an easy thing to do I know alright
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The name of this chapter is Double Think on De-Nazification. So this particular chapter starts talking about Potsdam Conference in August of 1945, that Germany's industrial powers had been integral in Nazi crimes and integral in the Hitler regime. The occupied...
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The Allied occupied government of Germany would substantially reform the whole structure of the German economy, carry out denazification. This is describing what they said they were going to do. Break up the entrenched system of business cartels and eliminate the Hitler-era version of military-industrial complex. The threads with which Germany's economy, elite, and state had intertwined one another during the Hitler years had to be broken, according to them.
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The Allies publicly resolved jointly to ban all German production of weapons, ships, airplanes, and other implements of war. Germany's manufacturing of chemicals, steel, machine tools, and other items directly necessary for a war economy had to be rigidly controlled and limited to a nation's peacetime needs. Germany was also to pay substantial war reparations to each of the countries that it damaged.
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The largest share of reparations were going to go to the Soviet Union, which had paid the heaviest price as far as dead bodies. But Britain, France, Belgium, and even colonial India were going to get a piece of the reparations. Detailed provisions specified the means for international cooperation in bringing accused war criminals to trial, purging Nazis from public and semi-public office,
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and from positions of responsibility was important. Written criteria distinguished major criminals from small ones. There were five basic categories of Nazi offenders, and the Potsdam Agreement laid out the framework of procedures for handling each of the categories. The Allies publicly renewed their commitment to implement the Moscow Declaration of 1943, which, by the way, we had already violated.
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and to return accused Nazi criminals to the countries seeking them for trial. Further, the Allies concurred that the major war criminals whose crimes have no particular geographical location, the High Command of Germany State, the Nazi Party, the SS, for example, were to face joint international trials. National courts of the Allied countries and the Allied military courts in occupied Germany
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were to try the second echelon of accused war criminals. Most importantly, Nazis accused of offenses to war crimes, such as extermination of people and worked labor camps, would be tried before allied courts in occupied Germany. Each ally promised to arrest and intern Germany's key men, including corporate leaders, instrumental in Hitler's rule.
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Finally, all Nazi Party's rank-and-file members were to be removed from office of responsibility or influence. Despite the scope of this very specific agreement, the conflict within the U.S. government over denazification of Germany's industry intensified, rather than narrowed. In the wake of the Potsdam meeting,
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Before August 1945 was out, the U.S. occupation officers, sympathetic to rapid restoration of German industry, organized an administrative attack on the stronghold of anti-Nazi hardliners in the U.S. military government. That conflict soon spilled over into the conflicts among the U.S., France, and Soviet Union. Political issues were already explicit.
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Major, this is a quote, Major Scully denounced the denazification program as a witch hunt. And Lieutenant Colonel Oettinger, chief of the U.S. efforts to denazify Germany's bank, banking system, declared that it would drive the German people into the hands of communists, unquote. Reported, that was on an actual memo that was later discovered. Colonel Oettinger explained further his opposition to the program.
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We did not fight this war to destroy one dictatorship and build up another. We must preserve counterbalance against Russia. Colonel Robert Story, the U.S. Executive Trial Counsel at the International Military Tribunal and senior aide to Robert Jackson, had passed the word down that the denazification directive was to be relaxed. Sympathetic U.S. officers palmigated this relaxation.
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largely by word of mouth during the summer of 1945. But the rumor of this network had a considerable effect. The hardline U.S. officers targeted in Offinger's attack resigned before the year was out, despite the fact that it was their position in the denazification debate, not Offinger's, that the president of the U.S. had endorsed. So in other words, we said one thing and did another.
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The denazification that did take place in Germany was usually spearheaded by the German socialist, communist, and religious leaders who had resumed limited legal political activities. Allied troops captured the larger German cities. They were met with, when they captured the cities, they were met with delegations of left-wing anti-fascist
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Ready with programs, nominees for office in the local administration, and offers of aid in the process of denazification, remembered Gabriel Allman, a conservative sociologist who specialized in the study of Europe. The anti-Nazi underground tended to be militantly engaged and based primarily in their union system.
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Allman said because few others had been willing to take risk, they were the people that rose up. Nonetheless, their success in preserving a core of political leaders capable of giving Germans politics a new direction after the occupation cannot be doubted after studying the local leadership of the political parties. The Antifa, or anti-fascist groups throughout Germany,
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hastily organized local unions known as work councils. They took over the management of many of the companies, particularly larger factories. These committees then usually drove out the old Nazi board of directors. This form of denazification proved to be considerably more effective than much of what was undertaken by any of the allies, including the military.
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A later U.S. military government survey of 60 major German companies employing a total of more than 100,000 workers found that virtually all of the denazification activities of these plants had taken place before the beginning of the Allies' official denazification process. The denazification work had been in the main carried out by the Antifa and shop floor purges of people they knew to be Nazis.
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But the radical politics of the Antipas disturbed Western military governments, which quickly moved to suppress the anti-Nazi groups under military regulations originally written to stop the Nazis. So the German people rose up to right the wrong of Hitler.
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U.S. military occupation force attacks them because it was never about that. It was always about the previous 1930s arrangements with the West and them taking hold not only of the current business structures that they had already integrated into their network with subsidiaries in the U.S. of German companies and subsidiaries in Germany of U.S. companies.
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But they wanted to scarf up a whole bunch more of the companies that had been formerly owned by Jewish people. And that would be thwarted if they allowed this Antifa anti-Nazi coalition to continue what they were doing because they were already fixing Germany before the fix was in. Common note, Allied policy was to break the...
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Antifa and placed them under considerable restraint. From the very first days of the occupation, the U.S. and British occupation governments shut down the independent denazification by the summer of 1945. For the most part, they dispersed most of the Antifa leaders by the end of the year. Dylan Reed and Company partner William Draper became pivotal
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in this semi-clandestine shift of U.S. policy towards Germany that summer. And keep in mind, Dillon, Reed, and Company, we've talked about many times on Secret Societies because they're just like Sullivan and Cromwell. They had all of the oligarchs that make up the International Syndicate, and they were coming in for the kill.
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They were not interested in denazification. They were interested in expanding their control. By 1945, Secretary of War Stimson and Secretary of the Navy Forrestal, who used to be Dylan Reed president. So you literally have a Dylan Reed agent in Secretary Forrestal.
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engineered Draper's appointment as chief of the economic division of the Joint Allied Control Council for Germany and as director of economic policy for the German territories administered by the U.S. So you have the very people that arranged all of the 1930s deals now in charge of the quote-unquote denazification.
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of Germany and their economic policy. Draper emerged as by far the most powerful U.S. industrial and financial officer in occupied Germany with overall authority for implementing the Joint Chiefs of Staff memo and other U.S. quote-unquote denazification projects. Draper was a very large imposing figure.
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And prior to the war, he had been a corporate treasurer at Dillon Reed and Company, and he was also an officer on the German Credit and Investment Corporation of New Jersey, a Dillon Reed-sponsored holding company that specialized in doing business with Hitler's industrial oligarchs. He also prided himself on his willingness to make tough decisions to protect what he
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considered the common good. The Draper family had owned textile mills, patents on textile equipment, and a substantial share of the international trade in fibers. Their New England mill towns featured model worker communities where the company enforced a Draper family formula of no unions, proper sanitation, and good behavior. Draper's social philosophy
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shared many of the same roots as that of the new quote-unquote non-Nazis. Draper's 1945 decision concerning rations for German coal miners illustrates that point. The mines had to be mined if we were going to get the factory started, Draper said. And we found that the miners couldn't mine coal on 1,500 calories a day, which was the official ration.
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or even 1,800. So one of the first steps he took was to raise the calorie level of miners to 4,000 calories a day against great protest. Then the next step was to search for miners when they went home every night because they were dividing their 4,000 calories with their family. And he decided that wasn't going to work.
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According to his own account, William Draper never had any intention of implementing the Potsdam Agreement or any other Washington policy on denazification or decarteling of German industry. Draper considered such programs to be naive and counterproductive, so he did whatever the hell he wanted to.
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He surrounded himself with like-minded aides to the degree that he could, and together they often succeeded in undermining reform and denazification in the German economy. Draper's electronic industry specialist was Frederick Devereux. He happened to be a senior AT&T official specializing in the company's political operations.
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His steel industry chief was Rufus Weisor, W-Y-S-O-R, the president of Republic Steel Corporation, which itself had a long history of cartel agreements that were questionably legal during the war to include arrangements with German steel companies. Weisor was particularly aggressive. What's wrong with cartels anyhow, he was quoted as saying.
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When he was confronted with his lack of progress in denazification and breaking up the cartels, he thought they were fine. Why shouldn't these German businessmen run things the way they used to? I don't know. Maybe it's because it was ran by Nazis. I don't know. It became evident to us quickly that the U.S. would have to support Germany for the rest of the time or as long as the policy.
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from the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Potsdam Agreement stayed in effect. Draper contended in a later interview. And so we had to wiggle here and waggle there and do the best we could without openly breaking any of the directives to permit the German economy to function. In other words, they just made up their own foreign policy.
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We didn't pay much attention to the Potsdam Agreement, as perhaps we should from the point of view of a military discipline. There were several efforts to pull me back to Washington and have me charged with not carrying out the directive. General Clay always defended me. He knew perfectly well that such a policy couldn't just last and be implemented. We fought it out and finally persuaded Washington.
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Draper's critics pointed to the tough language from both the Joint Chiefs of Staff and from the Potsdam Agreement, arguing that Draper failed to implement the letter and spirit of the official policy. But what the critics did not understand was that the hardline declaration were not in the, in fact, U.S. policy at all. Despite what it said on paper, General Lucius Clay
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The U.S. military governor in Germany explained it in an interview sometime later. Quote, the Joint Chiefs of Staff directive would have been extremely difficult to operate under. It was modified constantly, not officially, but by allowing this deviation or that deviation. We began to slowly wipe out the directive altogether.
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That prohibited us from doing anything to improve the German economy. It was an unworkable policy and it was modified by gradual changes in its provisions and changes to cable grounds, conferences, etc. Clay was convinced that President Truman was on his side. We had a change of administration. The people who had the greatest influence.
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and develop the occupation powers went out and Mr. Truman's administration came in, Clay said. Truman never supported the hardline approach, Clay continued. He had nothing to do with its creation and I don't think he ever believed in it, unquote. So he said that it was useful though to have it because it pacified public opinion in the West for making promises to the Soviets that they had no intention of keeping.
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Meanwhile, the upper echelons of the US occupation government agreed as early as the summer of 1945 that a thorough denazification and decartelization of the German economy would never be attempted. Perhaps more fundamentally, it was a product of the division between mass public desire in the US for harsh punishment of the whole Nazi structure, on one hand, and the US economic and foreign policy elite.
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determined to keep German markets and production capability as they were prior to World War II, because they all benefited from that. This presented opportunities for the West, they reasoned, and made it easier for German industry to downplay its role in the Nazis' crimes. He announced that
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Draper announced that top anti-Nazi measures in accordance with the official policy then shortly after he proclaimed success in carrying out these measures, while at the same time undermining every single one of them. Some Draper subordinates attempted to initiate a program to arrest and interrogate several top German bankers and industrialists for the role they played during the war. This was not an indiscriminate.
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aimed at all German businesses. It focused only on those who had thrived on the death camps and the looting. And the proposal did not call for criminal trials of these suspects. The aim was simply to investigate what had happened. Draper blocked the measure as soon as it came to his attention. He refused to permit any investigation contending that it would interfere with the German economy recovery.
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When subordinates complained to sympathetic congressmen in Washington, Draper's allies, Robert Murphy and Colonel Clarence Adcock, General Clay's most senior aide, issued a series of reports in October 1945 that the main work of denazifying the German economy had already been completed, so there was no need to do any further investigation.
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What the investigators are doing here through denazification is nothing less than a social revolution. That's what he said. Murphy's top aide, Charles Reinhard, complained, quote, if the Russians want to Bolshevikize their side of the river, that's their business. But it is not in conformity with American standards to cut away at the basis of private property, unquote.
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Draper's rebellious subordinates nonetheless managed to win some congressional support in Washington, notably from West Virginia Democrat Senator Harley Kilgore. And from FDR loyalist, Kilgore delivered a broadside against Draper's economic division using ammunition provided by the dissidents on the inside. The U.S. military government officials were
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counteracting and even bolstering Nazism in the economic and political life of Germany, Kilgore charged. Quote, they take the position that German businessmen were politically neutral and that no effort should be made to penalize German industry or prevent it from recapturing its pre-war position in world markets. They look forward to resuming commercial relationships with
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rehabilitated German industry whose leading figures are well known to them, rather than striking out on new paths of economic enterprise, unquote. And he had it dead straight. Kilgore named William Draper, Fredericks, Devereux, Wolfus Weissen, and others as part of the problem. Quote, Nazi industrial organization is not repugnant to them.
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and they have shown every disposition to making peace with it, unquote. Well, of course they did, because they got rich off of it. Kilgore returned again and again to the theme that the U.S. military government in Germany was refusing to carry out the mandate of the Potsdam Agreement and the publicly professed U.S. policy on Germany. Much of his information leaked to his staff by dissidents inside the U.S. military government branch.
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who believed accurately, as it turned out, that Draper and the higher-ups had systematically thwarted their initiatives against IG Farben and many other German companies. Kilgore charged that the top U.S. officials in Berlin were reluctant to carry out the policy of military and economic disarmament of the Reich as agreed upon at Potsdam. And even the New York Times printed, quote, some of our officials.
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were connected with U.S. industrial and financial firms that had close pre-war ties to the Nazis, would like to resume commercial relationships with Germany, and were working for a strong Reich as a counterbalance to Russia. But the Times report provided very few specifics and declined to name any names, as usual.
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Kilgore, however, provided increasingly specific information, though it was rarely found its way into any of the mainstream media. Big shock. State Department U.S. military government spokesman bitterly denied his accusation while knowing they were all true. But the senator in time proven to be substantially correct by an independent 1949 Federal Trade Commission investigation and decades later.
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by the frank comments of Lucius Clay, William Draper, and others once it was over. Next chapter, which is named, it would be undesirable if this became publicly known. The political conflict among the allies over how to deal with the accused war criminals, such as Milcos Horthy and SS General Wolfe and his aides, and others with similar war records,
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at the War Crimes Commission through the War Crimes Commission into an important new role that amounted to an international grand jury on war crimes. The War Crimes Commission, since its beginning, had been the registration of criminal complaints filed by dozens of allied countries. The commission naturally made a determination when processing the registration whether the complaining government,
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had a case. Though not particularly controversial at first, these determinations took on a new significance as cooperation among allies over transfer of prisoners began to break down. The War Crimes Commission accepted the registration and US and Britain found it quite difficult to argue credibly against it.
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The War Crimes Commission work thus became more urgent than ever. True, the big four allied governments agreed to handle the crucial International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg through a new committee set up among themselves rather than through the War Crimes Commission, an important blow to the authority of the commission. But the judgment of the two dozen prominent Nazi leaders at Nuremberg served to drive home
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with New Force how manifold and complex Nazi war crimes actually were. The War Crimes Commission work in this sensitive area in East-West relations gave the commission a perspective far broader than anything the State Department or Foreign Office had ever envisioned. Worse yet, as Green Hackworth
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of the State Department saw things, the smaller allied states were relatively strong in the War Crimes Commission and included aggressive anti-Nazi deregulations from the Czech, Yugoslavia, French, and the immigrant community of the Polish people that had basically formed a government in exile in London.
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Though the U.S. and the U.K. dominated the key committees, their authority was by no means absolute. The State Department and Foreign Office moved to shut down the War Crimes Commission as quickly as possible. Their first step was to choke the commission by systematically denying it funds and personnel, which of course is how they got rid of Pell, so it had already been proven effective. The U.S. had replaced Pell early in 1945 with Colonel Joseph Hodson.
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and a legal assistant, Navy Captain John Wolfe. That summer, working nearly alone, Hudson and Wolfe shared nominal responsibility for scores of demanding assignments, such as reviewing war crimes case registrations, developing case lists of war suspects and witnesses, facilitating evidence, doing legal research,
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and in a dozen different countries and languages, attending endless meetings, drafting international agreements on transfers of war criminals, and keeping up with all aspects of the work. Some of these jobs were being simultaneously pursued by rival committees in the U.S. and State Department and by Justice Jackson's prosecution staff at the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. That left Hodson and Wolfe
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with yet another assignment, attempting to straightening out the bureaucratic infighting caused by overlapping authorities, all of which were on purpose. John Wolfe collapsed from overwork shortly after the Nuremberg tribunals convened that fall. According to State Department records, Hodson pleaded with State for at least two assistants to handle the workload. They gave him nothing. A few weeks later, Hodson resigned.
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Wolfe, then still convalescing, replaced his former chief and carried his U.S. administrative burden out at the War Crimes Commission single-handedly after he had just collapsed. Hudson's resignation precipitated a renewed effort at State to get rid of the commission altogether. Gene Hackworth, still on the job, approached H. Freeman Matthews, State Senior Specialist on Europe.
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who was at the time representing the department in interagency meetings with the War Department and the White House, and convinced Matthews to move against the War Crimes Commission as soon as possible. Hackworth wishes to have the commission discontinued and desires to use the question of appointing a successor to Colonel Hodson as the occasion to eliminate the commission altogether. This strategy had already been
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worked informally within the State Department, for it received prompt support from the department's leading European and legal affairs specialist, not the least of which was Hackworth. In view of the troublesome Yugoslav activity, is inclined to favor the prompt disillusionment of the Warkheim's commission, said James Riddleberger, the department's expert on Germany.
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Unfortunately, it would be very undesirable if it were to become publicly known that this government took the initiative in bringing about the disillusionment of the War Crimes Commission. Therefore, he continued, Hackworth proposed to informally and discreetly approach the British for them to do it.
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accountable for having done so. Hackworth delegated his assistance for war crimes issue Catherine Fite, F-I-T-E, and Albert Garrickson, G-A-R-R-E-T-S-O-N, both of whom had been active in the firing of Robert Pell to head the new group to get rid of the War Crimes Commission. Fite was the
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State Department's chief liaison to the War Crimes Commission, responsible for guiding the U.S. representative's votes on the commission. She, meanwhile, carried the burden of explaining the least popular aspects of state's legal policy to Congress, the media, and the public. Veit and Gerritsen also served as the State Department's representative on half a dozen interagency committees coordinating war crime policy.
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including the drafting of the policy for the War Department and for the U.S. occupation government in Germany. To outsiders, Washington seemed strongly committed to openly cooperating with the Allies in war crimes commissions, while behind the scenes plotting to not do anything about them. The challenge of prosecuting even major Nazi criminals grew more complex as evidence of the scope and characteristics of the crimes came to light.
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The International Tribunal at Nuremberg adopted the substance of a U.S. proposal for a joint prosecution of SS Nazi Party leaders and a handful of similar groups of people. The Occupation Government Control Council Law No. 10 applied the conspiracy theory to hundreds of thousands of individual cases. This law specifically said
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that any person who held a high political, civil, or military position in Germany or one of its allies, co-belligerents, or satellites, or held a high position in financial, industrial, or economic life in any country that was part of the Axis, was deemed to have committed a crime against peace, namely planning and executing an aggressive war in violation of treaties. Membership
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and the organizations, such as the SS, became sufficient cause for arrest. Law number 10 did not require that all persons declared criminal be prosecuted, though. It simply gave the commanders of the occupied force the authority to investigate them. But this solution raised almost as many questions as it was supposed to answer. First, it was by now...
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clear that thousands of suspects shared direct responsibility for many of the atrocities. Contemporary estimates concluded that there were 250,000 to 300,000 members of the SS alone, that there were 70,000 full-time Nazi party executives, 15,000 in the party's intelligence service alone,
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another 15,000 in the Gestapo, and as many as 1.5 million brown shirt paramilitary militia units. Even considering these numbers, if they were inflated, would still be over 2 million people guilty of war crimes. The U.S. apparatus for war crimes trials in Germany obviously can't prosecute anywhere near that number.
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Member said, no matter how summary the proceedings are, it will be necessary to determine a degree of culpability of the accused and narrow the population down. The presumption of criminality in the cases of the Gestapo SS and Intelligence Service was so strong that in many cases, relatively quick determinations would be possible. The board
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said that the role of other Nazis varied so widely that even summary justice would take time and the complexities of the cases and collaborators from foreign countries or of those who held a high position in financial industry or economic life would be even more complicated. The main U.S. war crime prosecution group would be able to handle at most a few hundred or a few thousand cases.
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The joint occupation government of Germany temporarily interned 1.5 million Nazi officials, major businessmen, and former government administrators under various provisions of the Potsdam Agreement. Some 78% of those cases being about 850,000 people.
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had been processed by Allied officials by December of 1945. Of those, half had been acquitted, in effect, with findings that they were not substantially participated in Nazi activity. About 20% of the accused were found to have been so deeply implicated in Nazi crimes or in the maintenance of the Nazi power that they had been banned from any post-war German government and from any prominent position in the private sector.
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Most of the German civilians still interned during the winter of 1945 were persons against whom reasonable suspicion of serious criminality existed. There were 117,000 German internees by December. Of those, more than 38,000 had been executive-level Nazi party members, 9,000 had been members of the Gestapo or intelligence service,
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and other German police and intelligence organizations. About 5,000 more were senior members of the Nazi paramilitary groups.
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The speed of official denazification thus far had been achieved by identifying categories of suspects like Nazi party leaders, government officials, and so on. Contrary to later myths about denazification, these categories were usually relatively clear and limited to elite sectors of the German population, who were assumed to have been the most influential in Hitler's rule, and therefore they viewed as the greatest responsibility for Nazi activities.
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Critics could see that this technique often captured small fries while permitting major criminals to escape. Not surprisingly, those who had been the most powerful in wartime Germany usually had the most resources to escape this method. Business leaders seemed particularly immune.
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fails in practice to reach a substantial number of persons who supported and assisted the Nazis, both in their rise to power and in carrying out their programs. That was a quote from the denazification policy board. They went on to say, quote, this is probably especially true of business leaders. Influence may have been greater than that of the party members.
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Owners of businesses that played a major role in the regime often escaped responsibility, the board concluded. Meanwhile, U.S. occupation governments' reliance on conventional bureaucratic techniques tended to catch many so-called little Nazis while letting the big ones go. The net effect of this inadequacy is to bear more heavily on the small Nazi and leave the loopholes of influential supporters running free.
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Similarly, the U.S. occupation government's effort to block the bank accounts of Nazi-era political and business leaders bogged down in the autumn of 1945. The program was supposed to prevent Nazi officials and profiteers from laundering the stolen money and smuggling out of the country. In reality, however, there had been a general breakdown in the effectiveness of this, which Law 52 is what it was called.
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which blocked the bank accounts in the entire zone. The financial branches field investigating chief Louis Madison reported, quote, the breakdown is characterized by a failure on the part of responsible American and German agencies to block the accounts of Nazis and by violation of the law of German individuals and banks, unquote. In other words, they weren't complying with another written procedure. Okay.
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Even when the account was blocked, as required by law, German banks simply ignored the order. They're still being run by the same people. Further, the shortage of U.S. investigation people allowed the bureaucracy to continue. The program guaranteed that little progress could ever be made without a thorough organizational reform. By December 1945, the publicity mandated,
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The publicly mandated denazification program sharply collided with the unofficial but actual political and economic objectives of the U.S. occupation government. That month, the U.S. Denazification Policy Board confidentially recommended the existing policies and practice be shifted to better fit the long-term goals of the occupation. Publicly, the orientation of the denazification program was to remain the same.
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However, every person who exercised leadership in the power and support of the Nazi regime should be, that was the official policy, deprived of influence. Whether or not he was formally affiliated with the party. But at the same time, the board introduced a new consideration that would fundamentally nullify what the actual program was all about. This is a quote.
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Denazification should not be carried so far as to prevent the building of a stable democratic society in Germany. We must avoid the creation of a huge mass of outcasts who will provide fertile soil for agitators and a source of social instability, unquote. And that, according to the people in charge of this process, like Draper, was anybody outside their control.
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It wasn't actually that they thought that it was going to be political instability. It's just that they wanted to maintain control. This turned an important corner. Up to then, the continuation of Nazi influence within German social structures, business, education, and the arts had been seen as the most dangerous course for the future of Germany. But in December 1945, the exact opposite happened.
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and it basically allowed the denazification effort to stop. Opposition within the US to denazification and ending cartels in Germany was led almost exclusively by the corporate and foreign policy elite who had financially benefited from it from the 1920s and 30s. The disproportionate political leverage of this group and its ability to shape media
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because they owned the media, to influence government policy and eventually to shift public opinion was dramatically manifested in a realignment of U.S. policy concerning denazification and getting rid of cartels between 1945 and 1947. One of this group's most effective lobbying tactics was sponsorship of junkets to Europe by American politicians and businessmen financed by the U.S.
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In other words, what we call lobbying today. Under the guise that they were going to study the problem of the German recovery, Draper paid close attention to these visits, staging elaborate briefings intended to shape public opinion and profess realities of the businesses in Europe that were basically false. These events were almost ceremonial.
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The attendees and the briefers had selected one another largely through their existing social networks and based in powerful U.S. companies with investments in Europe. Men on both sides of Draper's briefing table were receptive to his message. The stream of U.S. experts visited the headquarters in the Economic Division in Europe.
49:14
during the first two years after the war, and Draper provided them with privileged access to inside thinking on U.S. policy concerning German business. The reports of these visitors echoed the conclusion that Germany's recovery demanded greatly increased emphasis on heavy industries. The decartelization chief, James Martin, remembered later,
49:43
In their reports, the visitors frequently referred to the proven impossibility of something that no one had yet tried to do, actually breaking up German banking and cartels. With equal frequency, they reported the mounting chaos that was supposed to have resulted from the Morgenthau plan of deindustrialization, even though it was never attempted. Similar problems were alleged to have caused by drastic reforms.
50:12
That had never even began. It became customary to refer to the urgent necessity of reversing former policy that was destroying German industry that had never been done. Martin wrote, and of reversing a decartelization policy that had never been done.
50:38
A popular example of Martin's point can be found in Lewis H. Brown's A Report on Germany bestseller in 1947 that had substantial influence in Washington at the time and remains quoted to this day. Brown was chairman of the John Manville Corporation, a major military contractor and international mining company that held a monopoly on U.S. market for asbestos.
51:07
The company had frequently been accused in U.S. courts of cooperating and corruption and actual crimes. Brown toured Germany during 1946 and 47 and returned to the U.S. with detailed arguments against economic reform in Germany that had been prepared by Draper's staff. Brown's preconception clearly shaped the conclusion he drew from his visits.
51:37
Germany from the standpoint of an industrialist attempt to analyze the problem of a bankrupt company to determine what needed to happen to fix it. His acknowledgement of the experts he consulted concerning Germany's red like a guest list at a dinner sponsored by the Council of Foreign Relations. Here's a list. AT&T representative was Frederick Devereaux.
52:07
Sullivan and Cromwell's John Foster Dulles, former President Hoover, who had been enlisted by Truman to cement Republican Party support for all of this shit, General Lucius Clay, William Draper, Sears and Roebuck President A.S. Barrows, who was then serving as the U.S. Comptroller in Germany.
52:36
And remember, Sears and Roebuck is the company that we researched at least a year and a half ago that was involved with the OSS and spying and collecting data on their customers. British and Swiss banking and industry officials and 25 unnamed German industrialists. So in other words, the whole international syndicate got together.
53:05
In more than five pages of Brown's detailed acknowledgments of those that he interviewed, there appears no speaker on behalf of German labor, no small businessmen of any nationality, none of the well-known figures advocating actual denazification of German industries, including those still in government post inside of Germany.
53:29
There were no Social Democrats and no known veterans of the resistance movement. Brown's argument was simple in some ways and convincing. He said that the Morgenthau plan that had shaped the Joint Chiefs of Staff memo and basically Potsdam was true enough and that the memo was a disaster.
53:50
The economic and denazification commitment that the U.S. made at Potsdam should be unilaterally disavowed as quickly as possible. Brown contended because they weren't doing it anyway. The U.S. should block further German reparations to the Soviet Union because German uncertainty over which equipment might be shipped to the Soviets and help
54:17
The post-war punishment of Nazis by France and the Soviet Union had been indiscriminate and brutal. The U.S. and British system of trying the accused criminals before courts was better, he argued. Many of the industrial and technical leaders of the economic life in Germany who had climbed on the Nazi bandwagon, much like people climb on a successful political bandwagon, were permitted to do only common labor.
54:48
pending the years required to go through denazification courts. The Potsdam Agreement had deprived the economic machine of Germany of the very leadership that they supposedly needed. Brown said he expected no support for his proposals, but the enemies of the American way of life, but from our friends who abhor all forms of totalitarianism. You know, because that's bad, even though that's exactly what you're endorsing by allowing
55:17
the German cartels to continue collaborating with the U.S. industrialists. But pay no attention to what's actually going on. They don't seem to care. Let's see. I'm going to stop there and we can get the rest all done tomorrow. So. I am just. You know, it was all smokes. Yeah, I was going to say.
55:58
From your more elaborate reading of it, was anyone honest in the entire denazification program? Well, the people like Morgenthau knew exactly what was going on, but they basically pushed him aside. Pell knew exactly what was going on, but they discredited him. Anybody, we see it happening today. Anybody that was honest and spoke up.
56:26
is immediately annihilated both publicly and treated as a piranha privately. So to intimidate them, I mean, they basically worked the one guy to death that was on the War Crimes Commission that had replaced Pell. So, yeah, there were people that knew, but they were pushed aside, discredited, so that they could basically put on a piece of paper.
56:55
so that they could print it for the American people, and turned around and did something completely different. So, essentially, yeah, evil. Just evil from the inception. But the reason why, after reading this book, I wanted to bring it at this particular time, is because we just lived through four years, and you just saw Gavin Newsom standing...
57:26
on television saying that they were having peaceful protest when the entire area around that building was on fire. And that didn't come from nowhere. That came from the last hundred years of these people lying out their ass to us. And that's kind of the point that I wanted to make.
57:53
You don't hold people accountable for evil. Evil will continue. And anyone telling you that they want another Nuremberg, tell them to kiss your ass. We don't want another Nuremberg. Nuremberg was a piece of crap. And our government lied to us during the entire post-World War II.
58:18
show that they put on so that this international syndicate could scarf up what they didn't already have monopolized in Germany. And they did it at the expense of all of the people that had set up companies there and were murdered. Amen. And it is funny how many people talk about, well, we need Nuremberg 2.0. And it's like, hell no. Correct. Correct. Absolutely correct. And.
58:53
The most troubling part of all of this to me is the military. The military was part and parcel of the entire facade. They participated in it. That just pisses me off to no end. And again, no consequences. So today.
59:18
Or, you know, during Trump 1.0, you had McMaster, you had Jim Jones, you had all of those general officers sabotaging the commander-in-chief. It's just crazy. Absolutely crazy. I see Stella in the house and Elle and I. You guys got any thoughts on this? Hello. Yeah, you know, I'm just kind of mind blown because a lot of this stuff, this whole book.
59:54
You know, even though it's from the past, it's still going on. It's actually amplified, you know, and, you know, then it's like the beta tests are even more shown. You know, you know, they they fine tuned whatever it was that they were doing. There's articles in and like Craigslist in L.A. all over there. I mean.
1:00:22
And some of the money's been found. But yeah, this book is like, sorry. Yeah, sorry. I'm speechless. Fergie62, thank you for the rant. I'm going to have to add this book to my library, hashtag Operation Gladio, where we go one, we go all. Thank you very much, Fergie. Yeah, I agree. I just knew.
1:00:50
This book was actually in the footnotes of another book that I read. And I just because excuse me, because it says the subtitle is Money, Law and Genocide in the 20th Century. And where it was footnoted, it basically was talking about how fake Nuenberg was. And I'm like, you know, I've read lots of anecdotal.
1:01:21
comments about the lawyers. A lot of the lawyers was from Dallas, Texas, and they were part of the Yankees and Cowboys. And there were a lot of, not references, but basically accusations that the entire thing was set up. And so.
1:01:45
I this obviously piqued my interest and I was like, all right, I'm going to buy the book. And when I read it, I was like, holy crap, because it talks about I mean, and it's very well footnoted as far as references from, you know, sometimes 40 years went by before you got the declassification that actually taught that displayed the communications back and forth with the State Department and this Hackworth guy.
1:02:15
whatever his name was, Green Hackworth. I mean, holy crap, what an evil bastard he was. But it's crazy. Anybody else? Illini, how are you doing today? Hey, Colonel. I'm doing well. As always, you know, the study of Nuremberg and how the war ended is fascinating.
1:02:48
I've also kind of been following, you know, some of the stuff that's happened in LA over the weekend. And I, I mean, that's, that's pretty interesting too. And I think it's, this is something that like, I'd love to see you in a space with like trash discourse or Millie Weaver weighing in on this. Because I think, I think if, if you really peel back the layers of the onion here, they're talking about.
1:03:19
How you've got Lisa Fithian, you know, affiliated with the Albert Einstein Institute. And, you know, some of these organizations around the CIA and the State Department basically kind of doing stuff domestically and causing problems here. And and I think I think that's.
1:03:45
That's a really interesting application of everything we've learned over the past year and a half. I agree. I agree. Go ahead. I think the cool thing is that you give them a historical platform to stand on. Is that when people show up and say, wait, why would the federal government be underwriting this stuff?
1:04:17
You can basically say, hey, wait a second. This has all happened before. Here's some examples in the past. The media doesn't like to cover it. But we've got Seymour Hersh. We've got, you know, Alfred McCoy. We've got Carl Oglesby. We've got 1972 Senate hearing. We've got, you know, we've got the tower. No, the.
1:04:46
The church committee in particular, you know, are actually in Chile. That declassified a lot of stuff. There's a ton of them. The Wreath Commission, you know, drawing in all the nonprofits. Yeah, there's a ton of evidence out there that we've unearthed that all go to building the case of what's going on. But, you know, it's funny because.
1:05:16
I'm still very puzzled on there. You guys, if you go and look at my profile of the people that follow me, not a single one of them. And there's some fairly high profile people. They will not repost a post that I post. They will not comment on my post. And again.
1:05:48
I struggle to figure out why that is. I don't spend a lot of time on it because, frankly, there's nothing I can do about it. But it is worth noting that they give little snippets of information, but at no time do they ever paint a comprehensive picture for anybody to actually understand.
1:06:19
I'll point one thing out here, which is that a lot of this on the one hand is well sourced and it requires a lot of time and energy to understand. On the other hand, it's it's I mean, when you cite Seymour Hersh or when you cite, you know, a Senate committee and you can point everybody to here's the text, here's the FOIA documents.
1:06:49
Here's how you find this information on a government website where it's admission against interests and they're giving you this information. And, you know, it's not some person on Twitter. It's, you know, this is well sourced. This is well provenance. You can cite this. I think I get the sense that sometimes, you know, the retweets go up.
1:07:16
That's that's what you have to do. It's you have to. So Illini, I have done entire threads with all of the references. Nothing. So and actually, if you put links from outside of X, it actually lessens your view. You have to put them like at the bottom. And that's why a lot of times when I do those lengthy threads, I.
1:07:46
Either say at the front of it, hey, I'm basically using this without any of the links. I will put the links at the bottom and I put it like on the last post of the series of posts. Bridget has me very well schooled in how to try to increase the visibility. But the real way you increase visibility is interacting with big accounts. And that's why.
1:08:14
Brian, Kate, repost a lot of my stuff. And he uses a lot of my information in preparing his work because we talk all the time. I mean, we're constantly, as a matter of fact, him and Dwayne came over yesterday because we're going to be gone for a month. And I grilled out hamburgers. And I walked them through the whole Cuba, Che Guevara, Raul.
1:08:44
They were just blown away. They had never heard, because Brian made a comment about how bad Shea Calvera was. And I said, was he really bad? And he's like, well, of course he was. And so I explained to him, not saying he's good, but not saying he's bad either, that Shea Calvera showed up in every country that the CIA tried to do a coup in, helping the peasants fight back against the CIA.
1:09:13
He left Cuba once he realized that Castro wasn't going to follow through on all of the promises that he had made either. And there's a reason why the Felix Rodriguez was standing in the room. And if you listen, if you know anything about the way they executed him, they tortured. They started shooting him in his lower legs.
1:09:43
and continued to shoot him up until they shot him in the head. If you know anything about the history of him, the actual history of him, it will actually change your opinion, not to say that he's a good guy, but you're definitely not going to believe that he is the bad guy the CIA and the mainstream media has brainwashed you into thinking either.
1:10:08
And that's that's that's kind of where I come back to. And I know that I've shared this with all of you. You really struggle with finding out, as you can see, the entire time that were the entire last year of the war. We did nothing but screw with the Soviet Union as 25 million people were murdered. Again, that doesn't make the Soviet Union a good guy, but it doesn't make us a good guy either.
1:10:38
All of this stuff has to be taken into consideration when you form your opinion about history and how we should collectively together move forward in making decisions and voting on who we want to represent us. If you don't know the history and you don't show up at town halls and insist that the CIA be unfunded,
1:11:07
and have ammunition to use to justify that position, you are perpetuating what you know to be a fraud. So anyway, Faye, go ahead. Yeah, so I'll go and fast forward this. So I've worked with the agency before. I'm a retired senior enlisted guy from the Army. And yeah, they kind of suck. I don't know how to say it any better, but the Central Intelligence Agency is a...
1:11:40
clown show. And, you know, my grandfather was an OSS OG. That was a totally different ballgame there. But the monstrosity that the CIA became, whether it's a church commission or anything else, I like the way you framed it, by the way. It's not about good and evil. It's not about good and bad or anything else. I mean, you know, I did horrible shit in the GWAT. I don't care. I don't lose a bit of sleep over it. You know, a lot of those people at Camp 5,
1:12:13
the tiff at camp cropper um the the jbad tiff and obviously yeah i sent people there i don't care but we have to get past these childish notions that everything that we like is or that makes us feel good inside or somehow is is just like the best thing in the world and it's all great and it's all wonderful and everything the other guys do or girls do is
1:12:42
demonstrably just the most horrible thing in the world. I like what you said about Ernesto Guevara because I don't like him. I would have killed him myself. But, you know, it's not about good or bad. It's about who's left. That's why I never agreed with the Nuremberg stuff. Because it's basically moralizing, catastrophizing, and stupid legalisms. And I thought you made a good point. I served alongside H.R. McMaster during the Siege of Telethar.
1:13:12
You know, he wasn't singing those tunes when he was a colonel in charge of an entire armored cavalry regiment. And on the morning of 9 July in 2005, he surrounded the entire city and opened up with an entire battalion full of Bradleys and Ables on it. He didn't really give a shit then. Now he suddenly gives a shit. The difference between people, I guess this is why I have kind of some contempt for the officer corps writ large, is after they get at a certain level, you know this colonel,
1:13:41
they get in a certain level they suddenly like oh we're we're beyond that we're we're above that let me and i'm like my my sergeant retired sergeant major bud is like no you just reinvented yourself you've never been beyond that kernel or general so let me explain that to everybody um generally as a colonel um you don't have a lot of
1:14:09
ability to affect change as far as political pull when you retire. It's not that they don't want you there. They love the fact that you have a clearance and all this other stuff and that you bring something to the table as far as experience. But you don't know people at the general officer level that makes contracting decisions.
1:14:34
By the time you become a three-star and a four-star, that's a very small club, and you know everybody in it because you go to meetings all the time, joint meetings, not just your service meetings. Not only do you know all of your service counterparts, but you attend a lot of Department of Defense joint meetings.
1:14:55
have access to everybody. And so you have this network, you pick up the phone when you retire and you're working for Lockheed and you need some inside skinny on something that's going on and your buddy is still on active duty. And the academies, the West Point, Annapolis, the Air Force Academy is the worst of the worst with this click. And they are able to do things that...
1:15:22
people at the 06 level and below. It's not that they can't because they do have what they call the iron eagles that stay in forever as a colonel that do pick up some contacts. But generally speaking, they're not in the level of decision-making that some of these higher
1:15:48
ranking officers are you know the the mean thing colonel is as a as a sergeant major i could sit there fly on the wall with the general officers and they pretty much pretended i didn't exist unless they needed from me something from me at the j3 level or at the g3 level or something like that but you listen to the way they talk like a great example i don't like this is going to make everybody mad because i've worked with all i do not like
1:16:19
a certain set of brothers. Those certain set of brothers are the Flynn brothers and the Donahue brothers because I've worked with and for all of them. And I, so Chris was my battalion commander at one point. Pat was a support element commander for me at one point. Worked with J3 with Flynn. His little brother Charlie is a moron. But all these people, the colonel here is absolutely right. All these people at the end of the day,
1:16:51
I just named four people that are brothers, and all of them are general officers. They're just playing a game with everybody else. They act like they're fighting something. They're not. It's just a game, and we're all little chess pieces for them. So, okay. Well, you're entitled to your opinion. The family ties of the military is a whole other subject.
1:17:19
Because a lot of these people that are in the military, they're fourth and fifth generation. And probably the best example of that was the McCain family. And the longer that lineage goes, the more unmoored in many cases it becomes. Just because, and it's the same thing that you find in industry where you have a family.
1:17:47
business that hits it big, by the third generation, those people are not moored to the same work ethic as the original generation is. And they tend to not stay family businesses after that third generation of management. That's statistically true. Not always, but statistically, the majority of them do not stay in the family because those people were the grandkids or the kids.
1:18:17
of the people that did all the work. They were born into the wealth of that business and it completely changes people. So yeah, definitely something there. Sunshine, did you have something? Sunshine? Sunshine, can you hear Colonel? Yeah, I'm having phone problems. So go ahead and skip me. Okay, well, we're probably at the end. So we'll try to get you.
1:18:55
on the uh way back um yeah i wasn't trying to like pick a fight with you though colonel or anything um because there's like there's but there's like you know raymond ornierdo dave petraeus all those folks they kept being wrong about things and enriching themselves meanwhile everybody else is paying for it yeah um no every we're a very open um group here everybody's entitled to their own opinion um
1:19:27
That's what we're all about. So. All right. Don, did you have something, Donnie? Sure. I was just kind of trying to point out like military science is what it is. We can go all the way back to Smedley Butler with a lot of this stuff. But when it comes to currency and legislation are currently the top deck of everything that's doing right underneath that is Phoenix and Gladio. And all of the men on the chessboard get to play the game underneath.
1:19:59
But until we start dealing with the legislation and the currency problems, that's really the problem deck of everything is downstream of there's a black budget. There's a black budget printing somewhere. And what's coming out of it is the stuff we don't want. So the black budget printing is drugs, weapons and human trafficking. Right. But then all of that is being, you know, the worst. They're all hiding behind jurisdictional boundaries.
1:20:31
and those payments are still getting processed. And until we deal with those things, I mean, basically, I've been looking at this for, I was intelligence, 35 Fox in the Army. So when I say we were all in a state of warfare until 2009, I don't know how to go behind 2009 and clean up a bunch of this stuff because somebody was going to fund it somehow, somewhere. Catherine Austin Fitz is a pretty good reference for a bunch of this.
1:20:56
So we were just fighting as a species because we couldn't stop something on one continent or we couldn't keep it from fighting between two continents. And we're just going in circles on a bunch of this stuff. Well, that was by design, though, right? That's the whole premise of strategy of tension is to keep the entire world in a state of tension and fighting one another so they can go behind the scenes and do whatever they want.
1:21:26
The only point that I would say is it has become increasingly obvious to me, having researched all of this, that over the last eight years and even at a much greater speed since Trump 2.0 started, there has been a systematic dismantling.
1:21:56
of many of the pieces that I now know exist. For example, and I use this example often, the mafia inside of Italy in 2019, they took their biggest hit ever. And for those of you that have studied the heroin trade, you know that the mafia, especially Italian mafia,
1:22:25
is kind of the gateway into Europe, as well as Turkey. But a lot of the processing labs were down in Sicily, and so they came up through the boot into Europe. And the mafia family in the southern part of Italy was basically completely decapitated. So you see in this administration some of the largest drug busts ever to happen. So it appears to me,
1:22:55
That there has been a lot of mapping of networks sometime over the last eight years by who I don't know. But they are much more aggressive in that takedown. Also, there has been a lot more of their, which is how they control people, their blackmail.
1:23:21
operations are being dismantled. The closing of Crypto AG, which is how they spied on everybody at the diplomatic level, was dismantled in 2020. It had existed since before World War II, and overnight it closed. So there has been things, if you understand kind of the underbelly of this organization, they basically
1:23:50
have now had to rely on big banks to do their money laundering because all of the CIA front banks, for the most part, have been dismantled. And there has been an increase in the number of money laundering cases that have either just been settled or are pending right now.
1:24:17
And you can look at the SEC website to see that. So I find that we're living through very exciting times. And I am cautiously optimistic that someone has not only looked at this, but are actually taking action against it. And yes, I agree with you with Catherine. I've met her.
1:24:41
I talked to her assistant. She's very aware of Operation Gladio, and she is a breath of fresh air when it comes to exposure. Stellar, go ahead. You know how he was talking about the currency stuff, too. Being familiar with Basel III, read Basel II, but also be familiar with Basel III, understand what's going on with Basel III Endgame.
1:25:08
I'm talking about what's happening with the SWIFT system. The currency systems also, just like Colonel Towner's talking about, in my personal opinion, is being taken care of and dismantled and things like that. And, you know, there's always an electronic trail because it is open source. It doesn't matter what it is. So, yes, I think a lot of this stuff is being dismantled and cleaned up. Again, very exciting times.
1:25:34
So everybody should learn how blockchains work. It's very important because a bunch of this stuff is getting cleaned up with public ledgers. And Don, you should probably I don't know if you've been following Colonel Towner for a very long time, but you but you should probably also look at her past things that she's done with Warhamster because they have been dismantling a lot of that stuff as well. It's amazing what they've done.
1:26:01
Yeah, and Warhamster is a reformed Wall Street banker. He is very, very intelligent when it comes to stuff like that. Yeah, we do it on my Rumble channel. He's amazing. Anyway, all right, guys, thanks for being here. We're going to finish up the book tomorrow. Wednesday is a question mark and no show on Thursday.
1:26:30
And I will do a show with Alpha Warrior at 930 on Wednesday night. So thanks for being here. Take care.
Entities here
William Draper25United States25Nazi Party25West Germany25Allied Forces17Denazification16United Nations War Crimes Commission15Potsdam Conference12U.S. State Department11France10Soviet Union9Antifa9International Military Tribunal for the Far East9Green Hackworth7Lucius Clay7Harley Kilgore7Nuremberg trials6Lewis H. Brown6United Kingdom6Nuremberg6U.S. Denazification Policy Board5Joseph Hodgson5CIA5Dillon, Read & Co.4Joint Chiefs of Staff4John Wolfe4Che Guevara4Decartelization3James Stuart Martin3Harry S. Truman3Frederick Devereux3Gestapo3Catherine Fite2Cuba2The New York Times2Robert Murphy2Catherine Austin Fitts2Italy2Robert Peligro2Yugoslavia2
Claims made here
Potsdam Conference ordered_assassination_of
Nazi Party documented
▶ 5:19
“The Allies publicly resolved jointly to ban all German production of weapons, ships, airplanes, and other implements of war. Germany's manufacturing of chemicals, steel, machine tools, and other items…”
Potsdam Conference funded
Soviet Union documented
▶ 5:47
“The largest share of reparations were going to go to the Soviet Union, which had paid the heaviest price as far as dead bodies. But Britain, France, Belgium, and even colonial India were going to get …”
Major Scully exposed
Potsdam Conference book_quoted
▶ 8:36
“Major, this is a quote, Major Scully denounced the denazification program as a witch hunt. And Lieutenant Colonel Oettinger, chief of the U.S. efforts to denazify Germany's bank, banking system, decla…”
Lieutenant Colonel Oettinger exposed
Potsdam Conference book_quoted
▶ 8:36
“Major, this is a quote, Major Scully denounced the denazification program as a witch hunt. And Lieutenant Colonel Oettinger, chief of the U.S. efforts to denazify Germany's bank, banking system, decla…”
Colonel Robert Story reassigned
Potsdam Conference book_quoted
▶ 9:09
“We did not fight this war to destroy one dictatorship and build up another. We must preserve counterbalance against Russia. Colonel Robert Story, the U.S. Executive Trial Counsel at the International …”
Antifa carried_out_attack
Nazi Party book_quoted
▶ 11:58
“A later U.S. military government survey of 60 major German companies employing a total of more than 100,000 workers found that virtually all of the denazification activities of these plants had taken …”
United States covered_up
Antifa book_quoted
▶ 12:28
“But the radical politics of the Antipas disturbed Western military governments, which quickly moved to suppress the anti-Nazi groups under military regulations originally written to stop the Nazis. So…”
William Draper member_of
Dillon, Read & Co. book_quoted
▶ 14:27
“in this semi-clandestine shift of U.S. policy towards Germany that summer. And keep in mind, Dillon, Reed, and Company, we've talked about many times on Secret Societies because they're just like Sull…”
James Forrestal member_of
Dillon, Read & Co. book_quoted
▶ 14:53
“They were not interested in denazification. They were interested in expanding their control. By 1945, Secretary of War Stimson and Secretary of the Navy Forrestal, who used to be Dylan Reed president.…”
James Forrestal appointed
William Draper book_quoted
▶ 15:22
“engineered Draper's appointment as chief of the economic division of the Joint Allied Control Council for Germany and as director of economic policy for the German territories administered by the U.S.…”
Henry Stimson appointed
William Draper book_quoted
▶ 15:22
“engineered Draper's appointment as chief of the economic division of the Joint Allied Control Council for Germany and as director of economic policy for the German territories administered by the U.S.…”
William Draper headed
Joint Allied Control Council for Germany book_quoted
▶ 15:22
“engineered Draper's appointment as chief of the economic division of the Joint Allied Control Council for Germany and as director of economic policy for the German territories administered by the U.S.…”
William Draper member_of
German Credit and Investment Corporation of New Jersey book_quoted
▶ 16:23
“And prior to the war, he had been a corporate treasurer at Dillon Reed and Company, and he was also an officer on the German Credit and Investment Corporation of New Jersey, a Dillon Reed-sponsored ho…”
Dillon, Read & Co. funded
German Credit and Investment Corporation of New Jersey book_quoted
▶ 16:23
“And prior to the war, he had been a corporate treasurer at Dillon Reed and Company, and he was also an officer on the German Credit and Investment Corporation of New Jersey, a Dillon Reed-sponsored ho…”
William Draper covered_up
Potsdam Conference book_quoted
▶ 18:24
“According to his own account, William Draper never had any intention of implementing the Potsdam Agreement or any other Washington policy on denazification or decarteling of German industry. Draper co…”
Rufus Weisor headed
Republic Steel Corporation book_quoted
▶ 19:18
“His steel industry chief was Rufus Weisor, W-Y-S-O-R, the president of Republic Steel Corporation, which itself had a long history of cartel agreements that were questionably legal during the war to i…”
Lucius Clay covered_up
Potsdam Conference book_quoted
▶ 21:39
“The U.S. military governor in Germany explained it in an interview sometime later. Quote, the Joint Chiefs of Staff directive would have been extremely difficult to operate under. It was modified cons…”
Harley Kilgore exposed
Rufus Weisor book_quoted
▶ 26:58
“rehabilitated German industry whose leading figures are well known to them, rather than striking out on new paths of economic enterprise, unquote. And he had it dead straight. Kilgore named William Dr…”
Harley Kilgore exposed
William Draper book_quoted
▶ 26:58
“rehabilitated German industry whose leading figures are well known to them, rather than striking out on new paths of economic enterprise, unquote. And he had it dead straight. Kilgore named William Dr…”
Harley Kilgore exposed
Frederick Devereux book_quoted
▶ 26:58
“rehabilitated German industry whose leading figures are well known to them, rather than striking out on new paths of economic enterprise, unquote. And he had it dead straight. Kilgore named William Dr…”
William Draper covered_up
IG Farben book_quoted
▶ 27:55
“who believed accurately, as it turned out, that Draper and the higher-ups had systematically thwarted their initiatives against IG Farben and many other German companies. Kilgore charged that the top …”
Federal Maritime Commission exposed
William Draper documented
▶ 28:47
“Kilgore, however, provided increasingly specific information, though it was rarely found its way into any of the mainstream media. Big shock. State Department U.S. military government spokesman bitter…”
U.S. State Department funded
United Nations War Crimes Commission documented
▶ 31:59
“Though the U.S. and the U.K. dominated the key committees, their authority was by no means absolute. The State Department and Foreign Office moved to shut down the War Crimes Commission as quickly as …”
United States reassigned
Robert Peligro documented
▶ 31:59
“Though the U.S. and the U.K. dominated the key committees, their authority was by no means absolute. The State Department and Foreign Office moved to shut down the War Crimes Commission as quickly as …”
Joseph Hodgson succeeded
Robert Peligro documented
▶ 31:59
“Though the U.S. and the U.K. dominated the key committees, their authority was by no means absolute. The State Department and Foreign Office moved to shut down the War Crimes Commission as quickly as …”
John Wolfe member_of
United Nations War Crimes Commission documented
▶ 32:29
“and a legal assistant, Navy Captain John Wolfe. That summer, working nearly alone, Hudson and Wolfe shared nominal responsibility for scores of demanding assignments, such as reviewing war crimes case…”
Joseph Hodgson removed_from_power
United Nations War Crimes Commission documented
▶ 33:24
“with yet another assignment, attempting to straightening out the bureaucratic infighting caused by overlapping authorities, all of which were on purpose. John Wolfe collapsed from overwork shortly aft…”
John Wolfe succeeded
Joseph Hodgson documented
▶ 33:54
“Wolfe, then still convalescing, replaced his former chief and carried his U.S. administrative burden out at the War Crimes Commission single-handedly after he had just collapsed. Hudson's resignation …”
Green Hackworth appointed
H. Freeman Matthews documented
▶ 33:54
“Wolfe, then still convalescing, replaced his former chief and carried his U.S. administrative burden out at the War Crimes Commission single-handedly after he had just collapsed. Hudson's resignation …”
Green Hackworth ordered_assassination_of
United Nations War Crimes Commission documented
▶ 34:21
“who was at the time representing the department in interagency meetings with the War Department and the White House, and convinced Matthews to move against the War Crimes Commission as soon as possibl…”
James Riddleberger supported
Green Hackworth documented
▶ 34:50
“worked informally within the State Department, for it received prompt support from the department's leading European and legal affairs specialist, not the least of which was Hackworth. In view of the …”
Green Hackworth appointed
Catherine Fite documented
▶ 35:47
“accountable for having done so. Hackworth delegated his assistance for war crimes issue Catherine Fite, F-I-T-E, and Albert Garrickson, G-A-R-R-E-T-S-O-N, both of whom had been active in the firing of…”
Green Hackworth appointed
Albert Garrickson documented
▶ 35:47
“accountable for having done so. Hackworth delegated his assistance for war crimes issue Catherine Fite, F-I-T-E, and Albert Garrickson, G-A-R-R-E-T-S-O-N, both of whom had been active in the firing of…”
Catherine Fite member_of
U.S. State Department documented
▶ 36:11
“State Department's chief liaison to the War Crimes Commission, responsible for guiding the U.S. representative's votes on the commission. She, meanwhile, carried the burden of explaining the least pop…”
Albert Garrickson member_of
U.S. State Department documented
▶ 36:11
“State Department's chief liaison to the War Crimes Commission, responsible for guiding the U.S. representative's votes on the commission. She, meanwhile, carried the burden of explaining the least pop…”
International Military Tribunal for the Far East adopted
United States documented
▶ 37:10
“The International Tribunal at Nuremberg adopted the substance of a U.S. proposal for a joint prosecution of SS Nazi Party leaders and a handful of similar groups of people. The Occupation Government C…”
U.S. Denazification Policy Board recommended
Denazification documented
▶ 45:21
“The publicly mandated denazification program sharply collided with the unofficial but actual political and economic objectives of the U.S. occupation government. That month, the U.S. Denazification Po…”
Lewis H. Brown member_of
John Manville Corporation documented
▶ 50:38
“A popular example of Martin's point can be found in Lewis H. Brown's A Report on Germany bestseller in 1947 that had substantial influence in Washington at the time and remains quoted to this day. Bro…”
William Draper funded
Lewis H. Brown documented
▶ 51:07
“The company had frequently been accused in U.S. courts of cooperating and corruption and actual crimes. Brown toured Germany during 1946 and 47 and returned to the U.S. with detailed arguments against…”
A.S. Barrows member_of
Sears Roebuck documented
▶ 52:07
“Sullivan and Cromwell's John Foster Dulles, former President Hoover, who had been enlisted by Truman to cement Republican Party support for all of this shit, General Lucius Clay, William Draper, Sears…”
Allen Dulles member_of
Sullivan & Cromwell documented
▶ 52:07
“Sullivan and Cromwell's John Foster Dulles, former President Hoover, who had been enlisted by Truman to cement Republican Party support for all of this shit, General Lucius Clay, William Draper, Sears…”
A.S. Barrows appointed
United States documented
▶ 52:07
“Sullivan and Cromwell's John Foster Dulles, former President Hoover, who had been enlisted by Truman to cement Republican Party support for all of this shit, General Lucius Clay, William Draper, Sears…”
Che Guevara removed_from_power
Cuba host_asserted
▶ 1:09:13
“He left Cuba once he realized that Castro wasn't going to follow through on all of the promises that he had made either. And there's a reason why the Felix Rodriguez was standing in the room. And if y…”
Felix Rodriguez assassinated
Che Guevara host_asserted
▶ 1:09:13
“He left Cuba once he realized that Castro wasn't going to follow through on all of the promises that he had made either. And there's a reason why the Felix Rodriguez was standing in the room. And if y…”
H.R. McMaster carried_out_attack
Fallujah guest_asserted
▶ 1:13:12
“You know, he wasn't singing those tunes when he was a colonel in charge of an entire armored cavalry regiment. And on the morning of 9 July in 2005, he surrounded the entire city and opened up with an…”
Italian Mafia trafficked
Italy guest_asserted
▶ 1:21:56
“of many of the pieces that I now know exist. For example, and I use this example often, the mafia inside of Italy in 2019, they took their biggest hit ever. And for those of you that have studied the …”